Pitney Bowes’ legacy, Surprisingly Effective Advocacy

During its 105-year history, Pitney Bowes, a mid-sized company in a large industry, had a history of surprisingly effective political advocacy. That tradition traces to the most important leader after co-founders Pitney and Bowes: Walter H. Wheeler, Jr. As an advocate, Wheeler's Congressional testimony in 1931 enabled the company to head off legislation which would have crippled the company's meter rental business in its early stages. Wheeler was a member of the National Urban League Board and a well-respected business leader at both the federal and state government levels.

Arthur Pitney had to be tenacious—he invented the postage meter in 1901, but did not get approval to market it until 1920. I truly did “stand on the shoulders of giants,” and this essay distills how we carried that tradition forward.

Rule One: Focus Like a Laser

Major business leaders are bombarded with policy issues, but only a handful truly affect survival or success. Pick those battles—and then commit.

For us, Postal Service reform was non-negotiable long before I became CEO. Healthcare policy was another critical front: I aimed to build a culture of health at Pitney Bowes and avoid derailment by simplistic “Medicare for All” legislative proposals, like Connecticut's Sustinet initiative, that threatened to wipe out employer-sponsored health programs.

In 2008, lawmakers targeting Walmart inadvertently threatened our industrial loan bank model. We fought to preserve it; Walmart ultimately stepped back, and Dodd-Frank closed the door behind them—protecting our position.

Well-intended but poorly conceived state laws on transportation and economic development regularly put us at risk. Behind the scenes, I rallied CEOs to oppose a downtown Bridgeport casino that would have strangled southern Connecticut’s already fragile infrastructure.

Lesson: Focus isn’t passivity; it’s conserving energy for fights that move the needle.

The Advocate Is the Message

Who represents you matters almost as much as what you advocate. When I became CEO, our VP - Federal Government Affairs position was unfilled. The default instinct was to hire a polished Washington insider. I went a different way.

I remembered a 1981 jury trial in San Francisco. Our most persuasive witness wasn’t an executive or economist—it was Bob Hoffman, our Assistant to the Vice President for Service, a 42-year company veteran in modest suits, humble and decent, trusted even by adversaries. Jurors sided with us because they trusted Bob. That memory guided me in 1995, when our Washington reputation had curdled into “arrogant monopolist” because we had no full-time Washington presence. We didn’t need flash; we needed credibility, empathy, and visibility.

I chose David Nassef—a social worker, Marine veteran, employee-relations leader, and corporate ombudsman—with no government-affairs pedigree. But he had deep listening and creative problem-solving skills and moral authority. He built relationships in churches, coffee shops, and Little League bleachers. He worked seamlessly with union leaders and congressional staffers. No one could peg his political party affiliation—which made him more credible. Many doubted him, and he was initially puzzled as to why I had chosen him. David proved everyone wrong, unlocking access far beyond our size and budget.

Lesson: often, the ideal political advocate is the least obvious candidate—the one who embodies your values and disarms skeptics.

Master the Substance—and the Process

The third lesson: know more about your issue than anyone you need to persuade. As a debater, undergraduate, communications and political science major and law student, I dove into postal history, communications law and policy, administrative law, and healthcare ( the 1963-1964 national debate topic was universal healthcare.)

With a political science degree, legal training, and extensive public policy reading, I thought I knew the federal legislative process completely. I was wrong.

I was both unaware of and underestimated procedural hurdles, like Senatorial "holds." In the Senate, a single “hold” can freeze a bill; I personally cleared four "holds" during the Postal reform legislative process.

At the state level, last-minute amendments unrelated to the legislation's main purpose can undermine legislative goals. We once supported a drug-testing bill, only to be blindsided by a last-minute smoker-protection health insurance amendment. The lesson: monitor text, floor action, and committee maneuvers obsessively.

See the Whole Chessboard

Lobbyists and lawmakers are just the tip of the iceberg. Real influence often lies beneath the waterline.

At a 1995 retreat convened by Postmaster General Marvin Runyon, to which I was one of 30 invitees, the power map came into focus:

1. Career executives, not their CEOs, were invited, because they outlasted CEOs and accumulated knowhow and relationships over several decades (e.g., Laurel Kamen at American Express, Vince Giuliano at ADVO).
2. Pragmatists inside “opposition” groups can become allies (e.g George Gould, the VP of Government Affairs for the National Association of Letter Carriers).
3. Credible consultants sway agencies and lawmakers (e.g. Luis Jimenez at Arthur D. Little; John Dowson at Coopers & Lybrand). We hired Luis Jimenez in 1999 and he was invaluable in guiding our thinking on global postal trends.
4. Ex-staffers retain potent networks and influence (e.g. J. Pierce Myers, a sole legal practitioner who specialized in postal law, Jim Cregan of the Magazine Publishers Association, and Jerry Cerasale of the Direct Marketing Association).
5. Trade association CEOs are invaluable as both thought leaders and influencers: Gene Del Polito of PostComm and Maynard Benjamin of the Envelope Manufacturers Association were two of many examples.
6. Seasoned Congressional and White House staff members shape outcomes because they often outlast those to whom they report, who rotate over time,
7. Seemingly unrelated influencers—from Grover Norquist to major donors—can veto progress if ignored.

Lesson: err on inclusion. If someone might tip the scales, build the relationship.

Build Relationships Before You Need Help.

A rookie mistake is showing up only when you want something. The better play: invest early. Offer education, credibility, and moral support before you ever ask for a favor. When the moment comes, you’re not a stranger—you’re trusted.

When staffers realized we could educate them—not just plead—we gained credibility. Over many years, we hosted monthly tech-center tours for congressional and White House aides, followed by 90-minute working lunches. I asked as many questions as I answered.

Lesson: Accessibility and humility build trust.

Find—and Frame—Common Ground

In a polarized environment, it’s easy to see half the system as hostile. Resist that reflex. Overlap exists.

We made common cause with postal unions by tying predictable, lower rates to higher mail volumes—and, therefore, more union jobs. On healthcare, while I opposed “Medicare for All” sloganeering, I built cross-partisan support around prevention and wellness—hard to oppose and genuinely beneficial.

I built rapport with the National Association of Letter Carriers by giving them a detailed blueprint for how to improve member health and reduce healthcare costs. The savings they could realize would be usable for salaries and other benefits in collective bargaining negotiations.

Just as important: avoid obviously divisive “dead on arrival” positions. Some CEOs and lawmakers proposed that we advocate privatizing the Postal Service. That was political self-immolation.

Use Every Asset—Not Just Money

Money matters, but timing, symbolism, and authenticity often matter more.

Connect96 (1995): We gave $10,000 early to a bipartisan push to wire Connecticut schools and libraries for the Internet. I did photo-ops at low-income schools. We earned outsized credit and access—more than a later $150,000 donor.

Semper Fi Fund (2002): Asked for $5,000 to support Marine families at Walter Reed, we gave $10,000 and I matched it personally. The generosity built moral authority and enduring goodwill. It probably saved us hundreds of thousands of dollars we would have had to pay in campaign contributions to get comparable access to elected officials and their staffs on Postal reform advocacy.

Bridgeport jobs (2004): We moved 210 customer-care and tech-support jobs into downtown Bridgeport—a Democratic stronghold—turning a potential Congressional hearing about outsourcing into a positive “in-sourcing” narrative. This was particularly important when I testified before the House in 2004 on Postal reform at a time when "offshoring jobs" was a hot campaign issue.

Danbury tour and photo-op (2006): Hosting Senator Joe Lieberman during his difficult re-election let us showcase U.S. manufacturing in-sourcing and mail-in voting systems—low cost, high return.

The right gesture, at the right moment, can outweigh the biggest check.

Influence That Rings True: What to Do Very Cautiously

Celebrity endorsements are double-edged. They work when the endorser’s brand reinforces yours (e.g., the Allman Brothers aligning Jimmy Carter with grassroots authenticity; Oprah validating Barack Obama with middle-class and women voters). They fail when they feel imported, transactional, or polarizing.

In corporate advocacy, the same principle holds. Our most effective “influencer” wasn’t a celebrity; it was David Nassef—the everyman who turned suspicion into trust. Influence is resonance, not volume.

But when we sought out a celebrity, his brand and messaging matched our needs. I secured actor Ed Begley, Jr. to get him to appear at the 2007 Postal Forum to give a speech about the value of mail. He was starring in a reality TV show called "Living With Ed," which promoted eco-friendly living. Because his theme about eco-friendly living was complementary to our goal of promoting mail as an eco-friendly medium, this celebrity endorsement worked.

What Really Moves Policy

The most powerful changes are often those that look tame. Indexing postal rates to CPI seemed modest; it fundamentally rewired incentives. The Postal Service’s evolving discount structure for presort and downstream entry looked like “self-service” thrift; it quietly moved work to private operators and helped USPS meet service standards without endless capital projects or environmental reviews. These “boring” levers were transformative precisely because they didn’t trigger existential fights.

The Playbook (Short, Hard, True)

1. Pick battles that matter. Ignore noise; conserve energy.
2. Send the right messenger. Choose credibility and empathy over credentials and pedigree.
3. Know more than anyone in the room about issues, processes and key influencers.
4. Map hidden power. Include career execs, consultants, ex-staffers, committee pros, and unusual influencers.
5. Invest early and wisely. Build relationships before you need help.
6. Frame for overlap. Find shared interests; avoid “DOA” extremes.
7. Leverage timing and symbolism. Money helps; authenticity closes.
8. Protect your brand. Advocacy is reputational capital in action.

The art of advocacy isn’t shouting louder,, but listening sharper, choosing the right levers, and making the smallest change that unlocks the biggest shift. That’s how Pitney Bowes had surprisingly large impact.